Saturday, November 19, 2022

6-Deviance and social control summary and review

 What Is Deviance? 

6.1 Explain what deviance is, why it is relative, and why we need norms; also summarize the types of sanctions. 

Deviance (the violation of norms) is relative. 

What people consider deviant varies from one culture to another and from group to group within the same society. 

As symbolic interactionists stress, it is not the act but the reactions to the act that make something deviant. All groups develop systems of social control to punish deviants—those who violate their norms. 

Competing Explanations of Deviance: Sociobiology, Psychology, and Sociology 

6.2 Contrast sociobiological, psychological, and sociological explanations of deviance. 

How do sociological and individualistic explanations of deviance differ? 

To explain why people deviate, sociobiologists and psychologists look for reasons within the individual, such as genetic predispositions or personality disorders. 

Sociologists, in contrast, look for explanations outside the individual, in social experiences. 194 The Symbolic Interactionist Perspective

 6.3 Apply the symbolic interactionist perspective to deviance by explaining differential association, control, and labeling. 

How do symbolic interactionists explain deviance? 

Symbolic interactionists have developed several theories to explain deviance such as crime (the violation of norms that are written into law). 

According to differential association theory, people learn to deviate by associating with others. According to control theory, each of us is propelled toward deviance, but most of us conform because of an effective system of inner and outer controls. People who have less effective controls deviate. Labeling theory focuses on how labels (names, reputations) help to funnel people into or divert them away from deviance. People often use techniques of neutralization to deflect social norms. The Functionalist Perspective 

6.4 Apply the functionalist perspective to deviance by explaining how deviance can be functional for society, how mainstream values can produce deviance (strain theory), and how social class is related to crime (illegitimate opportunities). How do functionalists explain deviance? 

Functionalists point out that deviance, including criminal acts, is functional for society.

 Functions include affirming norms and promoting social unity and social change. 

According to strain theory, societies socialize their members into desiring cultural goals. 

Many people are unable to achieve these goals in socially acceptable ways—that is, by institutionalized means. 

Deviants, then, are people who either give up on the goals or use disapproved means to attain them. Merton identified five types of responses to cultural goals and institutionalized means: conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion. 

Because of illegitimate opportunity structures, people have different access to illegal means of achieving goals. The Conflict Perspective 

6.5 Apply the conflict perspective to deviance by explaining how social class is related to the criminal justice system and how the criminal justice system is oppressive. 

How do conflict theorists explain deviance? 

Conflict theorists take the position that the group in power imposes its definitions of deviance on other groups.

 From this perspective, the law is an instrument of oppression used by the powerful to maintain their position of privilege. 

The ruling class, which developed the criminal justice system, uses it to punish the crimes of the poor while diverting its own criminal activities away from this punitive system. 

Reactions to Deviance 6.6 

Be able to discuss street crime and imprisonment, the three-strikes laws, the decline in violent crime, recidivism, bias in the death penalty, the medicalization of deviance, and the need for a more humane approach. 

What are common reactions to deviance in the United States? In following a “get-tough” policy, the United States has imprisoned millions of people. 

African Americans and Latinos make up a disproportionate percentage of U.S. prisoners. 

The death penalty shows biases by geography, social class, gender, and race–ethnicity. 

Are official statistics on crime reliable? The conclusions of both symbolic interactionists (that the police operate with a large measure of discretion) and conflict theorists (that a power elite controls the legal system) indicate that we must be cautious when using crime statistics. 

What is the medicalization of deviance? The medical profession has attempted to medicalize many forms of deviance, claiming that they represent mental illnesses. 

Thomas Szasz disagreed, asserting that these are problem behaviors, not mental illnesses. 

The situation of homeless people indicates that problems in living can lead to bizarre behavior and thinking. What is a more humane approach? 

Deviance is inevitable, so the larger issues are to find ways to protect people from deviance that harms themselves and others, to tolerate deviance that is not harmful, and to develop systems of fairer treatment for deviants.

 Key Terms View Flashcards Key Terms View Flashcards Thinking Critically about Chapter 6 Select some deviance with which you are personally familiar. 

(It does not have to be your own—it can be something that someone you know did.)

 Choose one of the three theoretical perspectives to explain what happened. As explained in the text, deviance can be mild. 

Recall some instance in which you broke a social rule in dress, etiquette, or speech. 

What was the reaction? 

Why do you think people reacted like that? 

What was your response to their reactions?

 What do you think should be done about the U.S. crime problem? What sociological theories support your view?

6.6.7: The Need for a More Humane Approach

 6.6.7: The Need for a More Humane Approach As Durkheim (1895/1964:68) pointed out, deviance is inevitable—even in a group of saints.

 Imagine a society of saints, a perfect cloister of exemplary individuals.

 Crimes, properly so called, will there be unknown; but faults which appear invisible to the layman will create there the same scandal that the ordinary offense does in ordinary society. With deviance inevitable, one measure of a society is how it treats its deviants. 

Our prisons certainly don’t say much good about U.S. society. 

Filled with the poor, uneducated, and unskilled, they are warehouses of the unwanted.

 White-collar criminals continue to get by with a slap on the wrist while street criminals are punished severely. 

Some deviants, who fail to meet current standards of admission to either prison or mental hospitals, take refuge in shelters, as well as in cardboard boxes tucked away in urban recesses.

 Although no one has the answer, it does not take much reflection to see that there are more humane approaches than these. 

Because deviance is inevitable, the larger issues are to find ways to protect people from deviant behaviors that are harmful to themselves or others, to tolerate behaviors that are not harmful, and to develop systems of fairer treatment for deviants.

 In the absence of fundamental changes that would bring about an equitable society, most efforts are, unfortunately, like putting a Band-Aid on a gunshot wound. 

What we need is a more humane social system, one that would prevent the social inequalities that are the focus of the next four chapters. Watch Ex-Juvenile Lifer Begins Life on the Outside Play Watch Ex-Juvenile Lifer Begins Life on the Outside

bizarre

 


bi·zarre
/bəˈzär/
adjective
  1. very strange or unusual, especially so as to cause interest or amusement.

bizzare behavior -Extremely odd or eccentric behavior
Inappropriate or complete lack of emotion.

6.6.6: The Medicalization of Deviance:

 6.6.6: The Medicalization of Deviance:

 Mental Illness When the woman drove her car into the river, drowning her two small children strapped to their little car seats, people said that she had “gone nuts,” “went bonkers,” and just plain “lost it.” 

Neither Mental Nor Illness? 

When people cannot find a satisfying explanation for why someone does something weird or is “like that,” they often say that a “sickness in the head” is causing the unacceptable behavior.

 To medicalize something is to make it a medical matter, to classify it as a form of illness that properly belongs in the care of physicians. 

For the past hundred years or so, especially since the time of Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), the Viennese physician who founded psychoanalysis, there has been a growing tendency toward the medicalization of deviance

In this view, deviance, including crime, is a sign of mental sickness. 

Rape, murder, stealing, cheating, and so on are external symptoms of internal disorders, consequences of a confused or tortured mind, one that should be treated by mental health experts. 

Thomas Szasz (1920–2012), a renegade in his profession of psychiatry, disagreed. 

He (1996, 1998, 2010) argued that what are called mental illnesses are neither mental nor illnesses.

 They are simply problem behaviors.

 Szasz broke these behaviors for which we don’t have a ready explanation into two causes: physical illness and learned deviance. 

Some behaviors that are called “mental illnesses” have physical causes. 

That is, something in an individual’s brain leads to unusual perceptions or behavior. 

For example, a chemical imbalance in the brain can cause depression. 

The individual’s behaviors—crying, long-term sadness, or lack of interest in family, work, school, or grooming—are symptoms of this physical problem, one that can be treated by drugs. 

Another example is attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), a “mental illness” that seems to have come out of nowhere. 

As Szasz said, “No one explains where this disease came from or why it didn’t exist 50 years ago. No one is able to diagnose it with objective tests.” 

A teacher or parent complains that a child is misbehaving, and a psychiatrist or doctor says the child is suffering from ADHD. 

Misbehaving children have been a problem throughout history, but now, with doctors looking to expand their territory, this problem behavior has become a sign of “mental illness” that they can treat (Komisar 2019). 

All of us have troubles. Some of us face a constant barrage of problems as we go through life. 

Most of us continue the struggle, perhaps encouraged by relatives and friends and motivated by job, family responsibilities, religious faith, or life goals. 

Even when the odds seem hopeless, we carry on, not perfectly, but as best we can.

 People whose behaviors violate norms are sometimes called mentally ill. 

“Why else would they do such things?” is a common response to deviant behaviors that we don’t understand.

 Mental illness is a label that contains the assumption that there is something wrong “within” people that “causes” their disapproved behavior.

 The surprise with this man, who changed his legal name to “Scary Guy,” is that he speaks at schools across the country, where he promotes acceptance, awareness, love, and understanding. 


Credit: WENN Rights Ltd/Alamy Stock Photo 


Some people, however, fail to cope well with life’s challenges.

 Overwhelmed, they become depressed, uncooperative, or hostile. 

Some strike out at others, while, in Merton’s term, others become retreatists and withdraw into their homes, refusing to come out. 

These may be inappropriate ways of coping, stressed Szasz, but they are behaviors, not mental illnesses.

 Szasz concluded that “mental illness” is a myth foisted on a naive public. 

Our medical profession uses pseudoscientific jargon that people don’t understand so it can expand its area of control and force nonconforming people to accept society’s definitions of “normal.” 

Researchers have hit upon an intriguing aspect of ADHD. 

Children born in August are 25 percent more likely to “have” ADHD than children born in September. 

What is it about August that creates so much ADHD? 

Maybe because it is a hotter month?

 I’m being sarcastic, of course.

 The dividing line for entering school is between those two months. 

The children born in August start school a year earlier than those born in September.

 The problem is the children’s relative maturity to handle situations—like sitting all day and following instructions.

The children born in August don’t “have” some mental illness that the other children don’t have (Layton et al. 2018).

 192 Szasz’s controversial claims force us to look anew at the forms of deviance that we usually refer to as mental illness.

 To explain behavior that people find bizarre, he directs our attention not to disorders deep within the “subconscious” but, instead, to how people learn those behaviors. 

To ask, “What is the origin of someone’s inappropriate or bizarre behavior?” then becomes similar to asking “Why do some women steal?” “Why do some men rape?” “Why do some teenagers cuss their parents and stalk out of the room?” 

The answers depend on those people’s particular experiences in life, not on an illness in their mind. 

Some sociologists find Szasz’s renegade analysis refreshing because it points us away from illnesses of the mind to social experiences. 

Others, however, are uncomfortable with it, and some disagree wholeheartedly. 

Regardless of these disagreements, Szasz’s analysis applies not just to mental illness but also to deviance in general. 

The Homeless Mentally Ill Jamie was sitting on a low wall surrounding the landscaped courtyard of an exclusive restaurant.

 She appeared unaware of the stares elicited by her layers of mismatched clothing, her matted hair and dirty face, and the shopping cart that overflowed with her meager possessions. 

After sitting next to Jamie for a few minutes, I saw her point to the street and concentrate, slowly moving her finger horizontally. 

I asked her what she was doing. “I’m directing traffic,” she replied. “I control where the cars go. Look, that one turned right there,” she said, now withdrawing her finger. “Really?” I said.

 After a while she confided that her cart talked to her. “Really?” I said again. “Yes,” she replied. “You can hear it, too.” 

At that, she pushed the shopping cart a bit. “Did you hear that?” she asked. When I shook my head, she demonstrated again. Then it hit me. 

She was referring to the squeaking wheels! I nodded. 

When I left Jamie, she was pointing a finger toward the sky, for, as she told me, she also controlled the flight of airplanes. 

To most of us, Jamie’s behavior and thinking are bizarre

They simply do not match any reality we know. 

Could you or I become like Jamie?

 Suppose for a bitter moment that you are homeless and have to live on the streets. 

You have no money, no place to sleep, no bathroom. 

You do not know if you are going to eat, much less where. 

You have no friends or anyone you can trust. 

You live in constant fear of being beaten and raped.

 Do you think this might be enough to drive you over the edge?

 Consider just the problems of not having a place to bathe. 

(Shelters are often so dangerous that many homeless people prefer to sleep in public settings.) 

At first, you try to wash in the restrooms of gas stations, bars, the bus station, or a shopping center. 

But you are dirty, and people stare when you enter and call the management when they see you wash your feet in the sink. You are thrown out and told in no uncertain terms never to come back. 

So you get dirtier and dirtier. 

Eventually, you come to think of being dirty as a fact of life.

 Soon, maybe, you don’t even care. 

The stares no longer bother you—at least not as much. 

No one will talk to you, and you withdraw more and more into yourself.

 You begin to build a fantasy life. 

You talk openly to yourself. 

People stare, but so what? 

They stare anyway. 

Besides, they are no longer important to you. 

Jamie might be mentally ill. 

Some organic problem, such as a chemical imbalance in her brain, might underlie her behavior. 

But perhaps not. How long would it take you to exhibit bizarre behaviors if you were homeless—and hopeless? 

The point is that living on the streets can cause mental illness—or whatever we want to label socially inappropriate behaviors that we find difficult to classify.

Homelessness and mental illness are reciprocal: Just as “mental illness” can cause homelessness, so the trials of being homeless, of living on cold, hostile streets, can lead to unusual thinking and behaviors. 

Mental illness and drug/alcohol addiction are common among the homeless. This photo was taken in Miami, Florida, but it could have been taken in any large city in the United States. Credit: JUICE/ILI/Juice Images/Alamy Stock Photo

Juvenile Delinquency Test 1

 


1. as immature and in need of help
2. cannot control themselves
3. easily led astray by others
4. did not know what they were doing was wrong
5. lack experience at decision making, brains still developing
a. pleasure and sensations develop rapidly for adolescence while behavior control and cognition lags behind
1. set up not to punish juveniles but rather to guide and help them (function as super parent; uplift, reform, develop, and make them worthy citizens)
2. focuses more on offender than offense (focus on the entire individual and focus on problem within the child's environment rather than focus on punishment on crime)
3. more informal and less adversarial than adult court (little to no due process rights, given more rights in recent years)
4. terminology (not found guilty but adjudicated a "delinquent" or Person in Need of Supervision (for status offenses) and given disposition instead of sentence)
5. closed to the public and media to protect from publicity and stigma (can seal or erase record if they stay out of trouble)
6. differences in sentences given out by courts( juveniles can't be confined past 21st birthday with exception of serious crimes)


6.6.5: The Trouble with Official Statistics

 6.6.5: The Trouble with Official Statistics 

We must be cautious when it comes to official crime statistics. 

According to official statistics, working-class boys are more delinquent than middle-class boys.

 Yet, as we have seen, who actually gets arrested for what is influenced by social class, a point that has far-reaching implications. 

As symbolic interactionists point out, the police follow a symbolic system as they enforce the law.

Ideas of “typical criminals” and “typical good citizens” permeate their work.

 The more a suspect matches their stereotypes of a lawbreaker (which they call “criminal profiles”), the more likely that person is to be arrested.

 Police discretion, the decision whether to arrest someone or even to ignore a matter, is a routine part of police work. 

Official crime statistics reflect these and many other biases. 

Crime statistics do not have an objective, independent existence.

 They are not like oranges that you pick out in a grocery store. 

Rather, they are a human creation. 

If the police enforce laws strictly, crime statistics go up.

 Loosen the enforcement, and crime statistics go down. 

New York City provides a remarkable example. 

To keep their crime statistics low, the police keep some crime victims waiting in the police station for hours. 

Some victims give up and leave, and the crimes don’t enter official records.

 In other cases, the police listen to crime victims but make no written record of the crime (Baker and Goldstein 2011). 

Various forms of underreporting probably occur in most police departments. 

191 As a personal example, someone took my mailbox (rural, located on the street). 

When I called and reported the theft, a police officer arrived promptly. 

He was incredibly friendly. He looked around and spotted the mailbox in the ditch. 

He retrieved it and then personally restored it to its post. 

He even used his tools to screw it back on.

 He then said, “I’m chalking this one up to the wind.” I didn’t object. 

I knew what he was doing. 

No crime to report, no paperwork for him, and the area has one less incident to go into the crime statistics.

jurors

 What is the definition of a jurors?

noun. one of a group of persons sworn to deliver a verdict in a case submitted to them; member of a jury. one of the panel from which a jury is selected. one of a group of people who judge a competition. a person who has taken an oath or sworn allegiance.


blends in

 phrasal verb

blended in; blending in; blends in. : to look like things nearby. The fish settles on the sandy ocean bottom where it blends in perfectly. : to look like one belongs with a particular group. She tried to blend in by dressing like the other girls.

6.6.4: The Death Penalty and Bias

 6.6.4: The Death Penalty and Bias 

As you know, capital punishment, the death penalty, is the most extreme measure the state takes.

 As you also know, the death penalty arouses both impassioned opposition and support.

Advances in DNA testing have given opponents of the death penalty a strong argument: 

Innocent people have been sent to death row, and some have been executed. 

Others are just as passionate about retaining the death penalty. 

They point to such crimes as those of the serial killers discussed in the following Down-to-Earth Sociology.

 Down-to-Earth Sociology The Killer Next Door: Serial Murderers in Our Midst Here is my experience with serial killers. 

As I was watching television one night, I was stunned by the images coming from Houston, Texas. 

Television cameras showed the police digging up dozens of bodies from under a boat storage shed. 

A few days later, I drove from Illinois, where I was teaching, to Houston, where 33-year-old Dean Corll had befriended Elmer Wayne Henley and David Brooks, two teenagers from broken homes.

 Together, they had killed twenty-seven boys. 

Elmer and David would pick up young hitchhikers and deliver them to Corll to rape and kill. 

They even brought him their neighbors and high school classmates. 

On a city map, I plotted the locations of the homes of the local murder victims. 

Many clustered around the homes of the teenage killers. 

I then talked to one of Elmer’s neighbors, as he was painting his front porch.

 His 15-year-old son had gone to get a haircut one Saturday morning. 

That was the last time he saw his son alive. 

The police refused to investigate. 

They insisted that his son had run away. 

I decided to spend my coming sabbatical writing a novel on this case.

 To get into the minds of the killers, I knew that I would have to “become” them day after day. 

Corll kept a piece of plywood in his apartment. 

In each of its corners, he had cut a hole.

He and the boys would spread-eagle their handcuffed victims on this board and torture and rape them for hours. 

Sometimes, they would even pause to order pizza. 

I began to be concerned about immersing myself in torture and human degradation. 

Would I be the same person afterward? 

I decided not to write the book.

 The three killers led double lives so successfully that their friends and family were unaware of their criminal activities. 

Henley’s mother swore to me that her son couldn’t possibly be guilty—he was a good boy. 

Some of Elmer’s high school friends told me that his being involved in homosexual rape and murder was ridiculous—he was interested only in girls.

 I was interviewing them in Henley’s bedroom, and for proof, they pointed to a pair of girls’ panties that were draped across a lamp shade. 

Serial murder is killing three or more victims in separate events.

 The murders may occur over several days, weeks, or years. 

The elapsed time between murders distinguishes serial killers from mass murderers, those who do their killing all at once. 

Here are some infamous examples: During the 1960s and 1970s, Ted Bundy, shown here, raped and killed dozens of women in four states.

Ted Bundy is shown here on trial in Miami for killing two women, both college students. 

He often used charm and wit to win the confidence of his victims. 

Like most serial killers, he blended in with society. 

Bundy was executed for his murders. 

Credit: AP Images Between 1974 and 1991, Dennis Rader killed ten people in Wichita, Kansas.

 Rader had written to the newspapers, proudly calling himself the BTK (Bind, Torture, and Kill) strangler. 

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Aileen Wuornos hitchhiked along Florida’s freeways. She killed seven men after having sex with them. 

In 2009, Anthony Sowell of Cleveland, Ohio, was discovered living with eleven decomposing bodies of women he had raped and strangled (Robbins 2009). 

The serial killer with the most victims appears to be Virginia de Souza, a physician in Brazil, who, between 2006 and 2014, is thought to have killed 320 patients to “free up the wards.” 

She injected her victims with muscle relaxants and then cut off their air supply.

 She said she was a “go-between on the springboard to the next life” (Bowater 2013).

 Is serial murder more common now than it used to be? Not likely. 

In the past, police departments had little communication with one another, and seldom did anyone connect killings in different jurisdictions.

 Today’s more efficient communications and investigative techniques, coupled with DNA matching, make it easier for the police to know when a serial killer is operating in an area.

 Part of the perception that there are more serial killers today is also due to ignorance of our history: In our frontier past, for example, serial killers went from ranch to ranch. 

For Your Consideration 

→ Do you think that serial killers should be given the death penalty? 
Why or why not? 

→ How does your social location influence your opinion on the death penalty? Hearing from the Author: Serial Murderers


Geography It is clear that the death penalty is not administered evenly.

Consider geography: You can see from the Social Map that where people commit murder greatly affects their chances of being put to death.

Figure 6.5 Executions in the United States
NOTE: Executions since 1977, when the death penalty was restored. The executions in states without the death penalty occurred before those states banned the death penalty. SOURCE: Based on Bureau of Justice Statistics 2014b. Statistical Abstract of the United States 2019: Table 385. The following interactive is not accessible to keyboard and screen reader users. What follows is an explanation of what appears on the screen. A U.S. state map shows data for executions observed in the U.S. based on "States without death penalty, States with death penalty that have not executed anyone, and States with death penalty." An inset at bottom-right shows highest number of executions in "Texas (518), Virginia (110), Oklahoma (111)."The number of executions conducted in different states of the U.S. is categorized under the following three categories as follows:States without death penaltyo North Dakota (0)o Nebraska (3)o New Mexico (1)o Alaska (0)o Hawaii (0)o Minnesota (0)o Iowa (0)o Wisconsin (0)o Illinois (12)o Michigan (0)o West Virginia (0)o New York (0)o Vermont (0)o Maine (0)o Massachusetts (0)o New Jersey (0)o Connecticut (1/0o Maryland (5)o Washington D.C. (0)States with death penalty that have not executed anyoneo Kansas (0)o New Hampshire (0)o Rhode Island (0)States with death penaltyo Washington (5)o Oregon (2)o California (13)o Nevada (12)o Montana (3)o Idaho (3)o Utah (7)o Wyoming (1)o Colorado (1)o Arizona (37)o South Dakota (3)o Texas (538)o Oklahoma (112)o Missouri (87)o Arkansas (27)o Louisiana (28)o Indiana (20)o Ohio (53)o Pennsylvania (3)o Dover (16)o Kentucky (3)o Tennessee (6)o Alabama (58)o Mississippi (21)o Georgia (69)o Florida (92)o South Carolina (23)o North Carolina (23)o Virginia (111)The highest number of executions is as follows:o Texas (538)o Virginia (111)o Oklahoma (112)Note: Executions since 1977, when the death penalty was restored. The executions in states without the death penalty occurred before those states banned the death penalty. 188 Social Class The death penalty also shows social class bias. As you know from news reports, it is rare for a rich person to be sentenced to death. Although the government does not collect statistics on social class and the death penalty, this common observation is borne out by the education of the prisoners on death row. Half of the prisoners on death row (47 percent) have not finished high school (Statistical Abstract 2019: Table 385). 

Gender 

There is also gender bias in the death penalty. Gender bias is so strong that it is almost unheard of for a woman to be sentenced to death, much less executed. 

Although women commit 9.6 percent of the murders, they make up only 1.8 percent of death row inmates (Statistical Abstract 2019: Table 385)

. Even on death row, the gender bias continues: Of those condemned to death, the state is much more likely to execute a man than a woman. As Figure 6.6 shows, of the 5,267 prisoners executed in the United States since 1930, only 47, a mere 0.9 percent, have been women. Rather than gender bias, perhaps the chances of being sentenced to death or being executed reflect the women’s previous offenses and the relative brutality of their murders. Not likely, but maybe. 

We need research to find out. Figure 6.6 

Who Gets Executed? 

Gender Bias in Capital Punishment  


Race–Ethnicity At one point, racial–ethnic bias was so flagrant that the U.S. Supreme Court put a stop to the death penalty. Donald Partington (1965), a lawyer in Virginia, was shocked by the bias he saw in the courtroom, and he decided to document it.

 He found that 2,798 men had been convicted for rape and attempted rape in Virginia between 1908 and 1963—56 percent whites and 44 percent blacks. 

For rape, 41 men had been executed. 

For attempted rape, 13 had been executed. 

All those executed were black. Not one of the whites was executed.

 After listening to evidence like this, in 1972 the Supreme Court ruled in Furman v. Georgia that the death penalty, as applied, was unconstitutional. 

The execution of prisoners stopped—but not for long.

 The states wrote new laws, and in 1977, they again began to execute prisoners. 

Since the death penalty was reinstituted, 57 percent of those put to death have been white, 34 percent African American, and 8 percent Latinos (Statistical Abstract 2019: Table 385). 

189 It is difficult to say precisely what role racial–ethnic bias plays in these totals, especially because they reflect the much higher murder rate of blacks. 

Yet, here are two indications of how real racial bias is in the criminal justice system: In general, white jurors are more likely to convict black defendants than white defendants (Anwar et al. 2012). 

In murder trials, if the victim is white and the accused is black, juries are more likely to impose the death penalty than if the accused is white and the victim is black (Baumgartner et al. 2015). 

Yet other evidence shows that jurors have greater bias against white defendants (Frank 2019). 

The official responses to deviance that we have discussed assume that the state (government) is functioning. 

What happens when the state breaks down? Let’s consider this in the following Thinking Critically about Social Life. 

Thinking Critically about Social Life Vigilantes: When the State Breaks Down Residents of a town outside Veracruz, Mexico, were surprised one morning when they awoke to see the bodies of nine men and two women. 

The bodies, nude or partially clothed and bound at the ankles, showed the scars of torture. On one of the bodies was this sign: “You want a war, you’ll get a war” (Woody 2017).

 And the war is on. A national meeting of states attorneys was to be held in a ritzy convention center in the capital city of the state of Veracruz.

 Two days before the meeting, a convoy of gunmen dressed in black drove up to the convention center. 

There they abandoned two trucks. 

In the trucks were the bodies of 35 men and women (de Cordoba 2017). 

Many of us chafe under the coercive nature of the state: the IRS, Homeland Security, the NSA, the many police agencies from the CIA and FBI to who knows how many other groups that go by three capital letters.

 Little cameras litter society, seemingly recording our every move. We certainly have given up a lot of freedoms—and we are likely to give up many more in the name of security. 

We can chafe and complain all we want, but as stressed at the end of the preceding chapter, this wave of surveillance has tremendous momentum and is seemingly unstoppable. 

There is another side to what is happening. The guns that the many uniformed and plainclothes men and women are carrying can also be aimed at us. 

But for now, they bring security. They indicate that the state is operating; perhaps overreaching, but functioning quite well. 

What happens when the state fails, when the men and women who are authorized to carry guns don’t protect citizens from the bad guys who carry guns? 

One reaction is vigilantism, people taking the law into their own hands.

 Remember what we call the Wild West? 

Citizens armed themselves, formed posses, chased the bad guys, and dispensed quick justice at the end of a rope. 

You’ve seen the movies. And something like this is happening in Mexico. 

From the local to the national, the Mexican government has failed. 

The drug lords have infiltrated the police and the politicians. 

“El Chapo” Guzman, who headed the feared Sinaloa cartel, used to drive openly into the state capital in an armored SUV.

 Guzman would even meet with the state governor (Johnson 2014). 

He was later convicted in a U.S. court of smuggling 200 tons of drugs into the United States.

 He used speedboats, fishing boats, tunnels, trains, trucks, cars, airplanes, and submarines (Feuer 2019). 

It is difficult to overstate the extent of corruption in Mexico, but let’s add a couple more shocking findings. 

The man who directed Mexico’s national drug enforcement agency was on the drug lords’ payroll. 

Army generals take money to protect drug deals. 

A secret billion-dollar bank account was traced to the brother of Mexico’s president. 

(But why rush to judgment? 

Perhaps some taxi driver gave the president’s brother a billion-dollar tip because he was a good passenger.) 

In Gomez Palacio, prison administrators let prisoners out so they could kill members of a rival drug gang. 

They even loaned the prisoners their guns and cars to do the killing. 

Afterward, the men dutifully returned to the prison, turned in the cars and guns, and went back to their cells.

 Incredible, I know. But true. 

Not all of Mexico’s officials are corrupt, and the drug war—between the state and the cartels, as well as between rival cartels—has grown in ferocity. 

The state uses Black Hawk helicopters to fire on houses, and the cartels have used high-powered weapons to shoot one of them down (Woody 2017). 

Some surmise that in its frustration the Mexican government has become more interested in killing drug dealers than in arresting them. 

One thing is evident: Despite the arrest or killing of many top leaders, the cartels continue to thrive. 

Shooting deaths by the police, the army, and the gangsters—with it sometimes difficult to distinguish which is which—run over 200,000 (Reyner 2019). 

In Iguala, a town in the state of Guerrero, the mayor is accused of ordering his police to arrest forty-three college students and turn them over to the local drug cartel to be killed (Feuer 2019). 

The cartels have kidnapped so many young men and women that mothers of missing children have formed groups to search for hidden graves. 

In the state of Veracruz, these despairing women found a mass burial site that contained 249 bodies (de Cordoba 2017).

 The Mexican people have begun to take the law into their own hands. 

In the state of Guerrero, country folk put on masks, grabbed their old hunting rifles, raided the homes of drug dealers, and put them in makeshift jails. Blockading the roads leading to their little towns, they won’t let drug dealers, or any strangers, in. 

This includes the federal police, the state police, and the army, all of which they distrust. The official “enforcers of the law” are too corrupt, they say. 

They trust only the neighbors they grew up with. 

With the state claiming the right to use violence only for itself, a conflict between the vigilantes and the state is inevitable.

 And it has begun. In the state of Michoacan, the people took up arms against the Knights Templar, the drug cartel that is terrorizing their area. 

As the citizen militias were gaining the upper hand, the military stepped in to stop them.

 This confused the people, who asked why the military was trying to disarm them and not the drug cartel. “First we must disarm you, so there won’t be bloodshed,” the military replied. “Then we can go after the drug dealers.”

 This didn’t make sense to the people, and they resisted.

 The military killed several of the citizens. Here is a quick wrap-up. 

The city of Acapulco has more murders a year than Italy, Spain, Portugal, Switzerland, and Holland put together (Luhnow and Sabartes 2018). 

“Enough is enough!” This physician (center) in Michoacan, Mexico, organized vigilantes to replace the corrupt police. 

The police arrested him for carrying illegal guns. 

Credit: Jorge Dan Lopez/Reuters

 For Your Consideration
 → We don’t yet know the consequences of this incipient vigilante movement in Mexico. But what else can the citizens do?


pre class week 2 activity

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